Facts & Figures
There are 2 million Hispanics of Cuban ancestry living in the U.S. today, the third largest Hispanic origin group behind Mexicans, Puerto Ricans and Salvadorans. Cuban Americans have been very successful in establishing businesses and developing political influence in the United States, especially in South Florida. Cuban Americans have also contributed to and participated in many areas of American life including academia, business, the arts, politics, and literature.
Current population growth for Cubans is now being driven by Cuban Americans born in the U.S, with the share of foreign born among Cubans in the U.S. declined from 68% in 2000 to 57% as of 2015. More than 60% of the Cuban population lives in the State of Florida, followed by New Jersey and California. The counties with the most concentration of Cubans in Florida are Miami-Dade, Broward, Hillsborough, and Palm Beach. Together, these counties account for more than half of all Cubans in the United States.
According to the U.S. Census, the twenty-two top communities with the highest percentages of people of Cuban ancestry are all located in the State of Florida. These are Westchester, Hialeah, Coral Terrace, West Miami, University Park, Olympia Heights, Tamiami, Hialeah Gardens, Medley, Sweetwater, Palm Springs North, Miami Lakes, Kendale Lakes, Fontainebleau, Miami, Miami Springs, Richmond West, Coral Gables, Virginia Gardens, South Miami Heights, Kendall, Miami Beach, Ybor City, West Tampa, and Surfside.
Cuban-Americans in South Florida, long seen as a major source of Republican votes and holding monolithic, hard-line views toward the Cuban government, are changing.
The latest Florida International University Cuba poll shows a generational divide.
The differences are especially pronounced between older Cubans who fled their country in the first two decades after the late dictator Fidel Castro took power and younger Cuban-Americans who were born outside the country.
The divergence between people who left Cuba and came to the U.S. before 1980 and other Cuban-Americans is “a stark, almost seismic division,” said Guillermo Grenier, lead investigator for the survey and chairman of FIU’s Department of Global and Sociocultural Studies.
At least for now, though, the polling shows Democrats can’t count on a huge cache of votes from Cuban-Americans, which is significant in Florida, which awards 29 electoral votes — more than a tenth of the number needed to win the presidency.
Also, there has been a shift, but not a reversal, of long-standing views about U.S.-Cuba relations.
The poll, conducted in the weeks following the 2018 midterm election and released in January, was conducted among Cuban-Americans in Miami-Dade County, the epicenter of the Cuban-American community in the United States.
Political affiliation
Cuban-Americans remain heavily Republican.
“Republicans are still very, very strong,” Grenier said.
Overall, pollsters found, voter registration is 54 percent Republican, 19 percent Democratic and 26 percent no party affiliation/independent.
But there are significant differences among various demographic groups that make up the Cuban-American community.
— Cubans who came to the U.S. before 1980 are 72 percent Republican, 11 percent Democratic and 17 percent no party affiliation.
— Cuban-Americans who weren’t born in Cuba are 41 percent Republican, 28 percent Democratic and 29 percent no party affiliation.
— Those who are 18 to 39 years old are 35 percent Republican, 23 percent Democratic and 40 percent no party affiliation.
— Seniors, people who are age 76 and older, are 76 percent Republican, 7 percent Democratic, 17 percent no party affiliation.
The lower identification with Republicans among younger voters shows up in the long-term trend of political affiliation in the Cuban-American community.
In 1997, Cuban-Americans were 69 percent Republican, 16 percent Democratic, and 14 percent no party affiliation.
Those shares remained steady until 2008, the year President Barack Obama was elected.
Starting in 2008, Republican registration decreased to 53 percent, Democratic registration increased to 27 percent, and no party affiliation registration increased to 21 percent.
The new, lower Republican share of registration remained roughly steady in the following 10 years.
But the share of registered Democrats slipped 8 percentage points in the last 10 years, while no party affiliation voters are up 5 points.
Midterm election
Cuban-Americans provided major support for Republican candidates for governor and U.S. Senate, helping them win tight statewide races.
In the governor’s race, Republican Ron DeSantis received 70 percent of the vote among Miami-Dade Cuban-Americans and Democrat Andrew Gillum received 29 percent of the vote.
The overall election was much closer. DeSantis won the governor’s office with 49.6 percent of the statewide vote to 49.2 percent for Gillum. Overall, Miami-Dade County went 39 percent for DeSantis and 59.9 percent for Gillum.
Various parts of the Cuban-American population had different candidate preferences.
Cubans who came to the U.S. before 1980 voted 84 percent for DeSantis and 15 percent for Gillum. Among Cuban-Americans born outside the island nation, the vote was 51 percent DeSantis and 48 percent Gillum.
The splits were almost exactly the same in the U.S. Senate race, in which Republican Rick Scott received 69 percent of the vote to Democrat Bill Nelson’s 30 percent. Scott won the election with 50 percent of the vote to 49.9 percent for Nelson, the incumbent he defeated.
Issues
Cuba wasn’t the overriding issue for Cuban-Americans.
Asked to pick their top issues, Cuba got 8 percent — “dead last in terms of what motivates” a vote for a specific candidate, Grenier said.
Many more cited the economy and jobs (47 percent), health care (29 percent), gun control (24 percent) and immigration (20 percent).
Grenier said the Cuban-American community is divided along demographic and ideological lines about dealing with Cuba.
Embargo
There is broad agreement on the decades-long U.S. trade embargo limiting U.S. economic activities in Cuba, which was an attempt to squeeze the Cuban regime.
Few think it’s worked.
A total of 57 percent said it hasn’t worked at all and 26 percent said it hasn’t worked very well.
Just 12 percent said it worked well and 5 percent said it worked very well.
Yet, even though more than eight in 10 said the embargo hasn’t worked, 51 percent in the 2018 poll favor continuing it.
Overall support for the embargo has declined significantly over time. A far higher share — 78 percent — favored continuing the embargo in 1997.
The question produces one of the biggest divides within the Cuban-American community, Grenier said. “We see a community divided on the issue of the embargo,” he said.
Among Cuban-Americans age 18 to 39 there is little support, with 65 percent saying they don’t want to continue the embargo. Among those age 76 and older, 73 percent want it continued.
Among people who came to the U.S. before 1980, 68 percent favor continuing it. Among people who’ve come since 1995 and those not born in Cuba, 40 percent want to continue the embargo.
Engagement
Views are mixed on expanding economic relations with the country, with 46 percent in favor, 22 percent wanting economic relations to stay the same, and 32 percent favoring a halt.
The most recent arrivals (since 1995) and second- and third-generation Cuban-Americans support engagement with the island nation, the researchers reported.
Migrants who came before 1980 have “retrenched to a more isolationist attitude towards U.S. /Cuba relations,” the polling report concluded.
Diplomatic relations with the island nation, resumed by President Barack Obama near the end of his time in office, are supported by 63 percent of Cuban-Americans, with 37 percent opposed.
Diplomatic relations are supported by 77 percent of those not born in Cuba and 83 percent of those aged 18 to 39. Among those 76 and older, 69 percent opposed U.S.-Cuba diplomatic relations.
Fine print
FIU’s Steven J. Green School of International & Public Affairs 2018 Cuba Poll surveyed 1,001 Cuban-Americans living in Miami-Dade County.
Interviews were conducted in Spanish and English, on land-lines and cellphones, between Nov. 14 and Dec. 1.
The poll has a margin of error of plus or minus 3 percentage points.
It’s the 13th such poll conducted since 1991, with many of the same questions asked in poll after poll so trends can be seen over time.
For decades, immigrants from Cuba have held a uniquely preferential position in U.S. immigration law, owing to Cold War-era tensions between the two rivals. Cubans have been among the top ten immigrant populations in the United States since 1970, and in 2016 were the seventh largest group. Nearly 1.3 million Cubans lived in the United States in 2016, accounting for roughly 3 percent of the approximately 44 million immigrants overall.
Large-scale migration from Cuba began following the Cuban Revolution in 1959, when Fidel Castro led a communist takeover of the island and ouster of the Fulgencio Batista regime. The Cuban population in the United States grew almost six-fold within a decade, from 79,000 in 1960 to 439,000 in 1970.
From the 1960s onward, most Cubans who arrived on U.S. soil were admitted or paroled in through special humanitarian provisions—citing communist oppression on the island—rather than via traditional immigration pathways required for other immigrant groups. In 1966, Congress passed the Cuban Adjustment Act (CAA), which allows Cubans to become lawful permanent residents (LPRs, also known as green-card holders) after being physically present in the United States for at least one year. Though the communist government generally limited emigration, on several major occasions it allowed people to leave for the United States without authorization, partly as an escape valve for dissidence and excess labor. The largest was the Mariel boatlift of 1980, which brought roughly 124,800 Cubans to Florida by boat.
Figure 1. Cuban Immigrant Population in the United States, 1980-2016
Sources: Data from U.S. Census Bureau 2006, 2010, and 2016 American Community Surveys (ACS), and Campbell J. Gibson and Kay Jung, “Historical Census Statistics on the Foreign-born Population of the United States: 1850-2000” (Working Paper no. 81, U.S. Census Bureau, Washington, DC, February 2006), available online.
By the mid-1990s, rising spontaneous boat migration had prompted the two governments to negotiate new migration terms. The resulting 1995 accords established the “wet-foot, dry-foot” policy: Unless citing fears of persecution, Cubans intercepted at sea would be returned to Cuba, where the government agreed not retaliate against them. Meanwhile, those who reached the United States, whether by land or sea, would be permitted to stay. Cuban arrivals subsequently surged, with some 650,000 admitted to the United States between 1995 and 2015.
The historic 2014 decision by U.S. President Barack Obama and Cuban President Raúl Castro to normalize relations opened a new era for Cuban migration. Anticipating an end to their special immigration treatment, Cuban arrivals more than doubled from fewer than 24,300 in fiscal year (FY) 2014 to 56,400 in FY 2016. During the final days of his presidency in January 2017, President Obama ended the “dry-foot” aspect of the policy, which had resulted in thousands of Cubans making their way through Central America and Mexico to reach the U.S. border. Since then, Cubans who have attempted to enter the United States without a visa have been deemed inadmissible and subject to deportation like other foreign nationals. However, those who enter on a visa remain eligible for a green card after one year in the country.
The United States is home to the largest number of Cubans abroad. Other popular destinations include Spain (125,000), Italy (33,000), Mexico (18,000), Germany and Canada (15,000 each), and Puerto Rico (13,000), according to mid-2015 estimates by the United Nations Population Division.
Click here to view an interactive map showing where migrants from Cuba and other countries have settled worldwide.
Compared to the overall foreign- and U.S.-born populations, Cubans were less likely to be proficient in English, had lower educational attainment, and earned lower household incomes. Using data from the U.S. Census Bureau (the most recent 2016 American Community Survey [ACS] as well as pooled 2011-15 ACS data) and the Department of Homeland Security’s Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, this Spotlight provides information on the Cuban immigrant population in the United States, focusing on its size, geographic distribution, and socioeconomic characteristics.
Click on the bullet points below for more information:
Distribution by State and Key Cities
Within the United States, the Cuban population is very highly concentrated, with 78 percent living in Florida in 2011-15. The next two top states of residency were New Jersey and California, accounting for just 4 percent and 3 percent of Cuban immigrants, respectively.
Similarly, the top four counties by concentration were all in Florida: Miami-Dade, Broward, Hillsborough, and Palm Beach. Together, these counties accounted for about 68 percent of all Cuban immigrants in the United States.
Figure 2. Top States of Residence for Cuban Immigrants in the United States, 2011-15
Note: Pooled 2011-15 ACS data were used to get statistically valid estimates at the state level for smaller-population geographies. Not shown are populations in Alaska and Hawaii, which are small in size; for details, visit the Migration Policy Institute (MPI) Data Hub for an interactive map showing geographic distribution of immigrants by state and county, available online.
Source: MPI tabulation of data from U.S. Census Bureau pooled 2011-15 ACS.
Cuban immigrants are also highly concentrated by city: In the 2011-15 period, 64 percent lived in the greater Miami metropolitan area. The New York metro area came in second, with 6 percent.
Figure 3. Top Metropolitan Areas of Residence for Cuban Immigrants in the United States, 2011-15
Note: Pooled 2011-15 ACS data were used to get statistically valid estimates at the metropolitan statistical-area level for smaller-population geographies.
Source: MPI tabulation of data from U.S. Census Bureau pooled 2011-15 ACS.
Table 1. Top Concentrations by Metropolitan Area for Cuban Immigrants, 2011-15
Source: MPI tabulation of data from the U.S. Census Bureau pooled 2011-15 ACS.
Click here for an interactive map that highlights the metropolitan areas with the highest concentrations of immigrants. Select Cuba from the dropdown menu.
Cuban immigrants were much less likely to be proficient in English and speak English at home than the overall foreign-born population. In 2016, about 64 percent of Cubans ages 5 and over reported limited English proficiency, compared to 49 percent of the total foreign-born population. Approximately 5 percent of Cubans spoke only English at home, versus 16 percent of all immigrants.
Note: Limited English proficiency refers to those who indicated on the ACS questionnaire that they spoke English less than “very well.”
Age, Education, and Employment
In 2016, Cubans had a much higher median age than that of the overall foreign- and U.S.-born populations: Fifty-three years, compared to 44 years and 36 years, respectively. This is due in large part to the disproportionately high number of Cuban seniors. Twenty-eight percent of Cubans were 65 or older, versus 15 percent of both the overall foreign- and native-born populations. Meanwhile, Cuban immigrants were more likely than the native born but less likely than the overall foreign born to be of working age (18 to 64; see Figure 4).
Figure 4. Age Distribution of the U.S. Population by Origin, 2016
Note: Numbers may not add up to 100 as they are rounded to the nearest whole number.
Source: MPI tabulation of data from the U.S. Census Bureau, 2016 ACS. Click here to view an interactive chart showing the age and sex distribution of top immigrant groups, including the Cuban born.
Overall, Cubans have lower levels of educational attainment compared to the total foreign- and U.S.-born populations. In 2016, 22 percent of Cuban adults ages 25 and over had a bachelor’s degree or higher, compared to 30 percent of the overall immigrant population and 32 percent of the native-born population.
Cuban immigrants participated in the labor force at a lower rate than the total foreign- and U.S.-born populations, owing in part to the higher share of elderly Cubans. In 2016, about 58 percent of Cubans ages 16 and over were in the civilian labor force, compared to 66 percent and 62 percent of all immigrants and the native born, respectively. Compared to immigrants overall, Cubans were more likely to be employed in sales and office jobs as well as production, transportation, and material moving occupations (see Figure 5).
Figure 5. Employed Workers in the Civilian Labor Force (ages 16 and older) by Occupation and Origin, 2016
Source: MPI tabulation of data from the U.S. Census Bureau 2016 ACS.
Cuban immigrants had significantly lower incomes compared to the total foreign- and native-born populations. In 2016, households headed by a Cuban immigrant had a median income of $39,000, compared to $54,000 and $58,000 for all immigrant and native-born households, respectively.
In 2016, Cuban families were living in poverty at the same rate as immigrant families overall, about 15 percent each. In contrast, roughly 9 percent of families with a U.S.-born head of household lived in poverty.
Immigration Pathways and Naturalization
Cubans were more likely to be naturalized U.S. citizens than immigrants overall. In 2016, 58 percent of Cuban immigrants were naturalized citizens, compared to 49 percent of the total foreign-born population. The Cuban Adjustment Act placed Cubans on a faster path to citizenship than other immigrant groups, who typically have to spend five years as legal permanent residents before being eligible to naturalize.
The largest share of Cubans, approximately 53 percent, arrived prior to 2000, followed by 25 percent who arrived between 2000 and 2009, and 23 percent in 2010 or later. Compared to all immigrants, Cubans were slightly more likely to have arrived since 2010 (see Figure 6).
Figure 6. Immigrants from Cuba and All Immigrants in the United States by Period of Arrival, 2016
Note: Numbers may not add up to 100 as they are rounded to the nearest whole number.
Source: MPI tabulation of data from the U.S. Census Bureau 2016 ACS.
As a result of Cubans’ special treatment in U.S. immigration law, the majority of Cuban immigrants who obtain green cards do so through the humanitarian protection channel. In FY 2015, 88 percent of the roughly 54,400 Cuban individuals who became lawful permanent residents (LPRs) that year did so via the refugee category, compared to just 14 percent of all new LPRs. New Cuban green-card holders were much less likely than new LPRs overall to obtain green cards as immediate relatives of U.S. citizens (7 percent versus 44 percent), or through family-sponsored channels (4 percent versus 20 percent).
Figure 7. Immigration Pathways of Cuban Immigrants and All Immigrants in the United States, 2015
Notes: Family-sponsored: Includes adult children and siblings of U.S. citizens as well as spouses and children of green-card holders. Immediate relatives of U.S. citizens: Includes spouses, minor children, and parents of U.S. citizens. Diversity Visa Lottery: The Immigration Act of 1990 established the Diversity Visa Lottery to allow entry to immigrants from countries with low rates of immigration to the United States. The law states that 55,000 diversity visas in total are made available each fiscal year. Individuals born in Cuba are eligible for the lottery.
Source: MPI tabulation of data from Department of Homeland Security (DHS), 2015 Yearbook of Immigration Statistics (Washington, DC: DHS Office of Immigration Statistics, 2016), available online.
Cubans were slightly less likely to be uninsured in 2016 than the immigrant population overall (17 percent compared to 20 percent). Meanwhile, just 7 percent of the native-born population lacked insurance. Compared to immigrants overall, Cubans were more likely to be covered by public health insurance but much less likely to have private coverage than the foreign- and U.S.-born populations (see Figure 8).
Figure 8. Health Coverage for Cuban Immigrants, All Immigrants, and the Native Born, 2016
Note: The sum of shares by type of insurance is likely to be greater than 100 because people may have more than one type of insurance.
Source: MPI tabulation of data from the U.S. Census Bureau, 2016 ACS.
The Cuban diaspora in the United States is comprised of nearly 2.5 million individuals who were either born in Cuba or reported Cuban ancestry or race, according to tabulations from the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2016 ACS.
Sources
Duany, Jorge. 2017. Cuban Migration: A Postrevolution Exodus Ebbs and Flows. Migration Information Source, July 6, 2017. Available online.
Gibson, Campbell J. and Kay Jung. 2006. Historical Census Statistics on the Foreign-born Population of the United States: 1850-2000. Working Paper no. 81, U.S. Census Bureau, Washington, DC, February 2006. Available online.
Krogstad, Jens Manuel. 2017. Surge in Cuban Immigration to U.S. Continued through 2016. Pew Research Center Fact Tank, January 13, 2017. Available online.
U.S. Census Bureau. N.d. 2016 American Community Survey (ACS). American FactFinder. Accessed November 3, 2017. Available online.
U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Office of Immigration Statistics. 2016. 2015 Yearbook of Immigration Statistics. Washington, DC: DHS Office of Immigration Statistics. Available online.
Wasem, Ruth Ellen. 2009. Cuban Migration to the United States: Policy and Trends. Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service. Available online.